Collective Identities in Modern Iran: Revolutions as Historical Crystallisation Points of Categorisation, Radicalisation and Tolerance

在现代伊朗的两个关键阶段，即1906-11年的宪法革命和1978-79年的革命中，个人和群体争取了什么样的宽容和尊重观念？我的项目的目的是利用集体身份和自我分类的概念和现象，即“自我”和“他者”的结构，来阐述这些概念。导致革命和随后的宪法的社会动荡和伴随的话语可以提供关于社会和上级分类的信息，它们的成功和失败分别。在那些社会政治激进化的时代，政治和宗教或意识形态的强调，以及政治、宗教和/或意识形态的条件和对尊重的务实要求（即承认平等）可以被识别出来。此外，还可以发现对“宗教少数群体”让步或拒绝尊重和容忍。借鉴“不赞成-尊重”模式，更密切地关注“宗教少数群体”成员的包容/排斥、容忍/不容忍，尤其是巴比教徒和巴哈教徒，将有助于了解伊朗现代史上两次革命期间，内部群体与外部群体、“自我”与“他者”之间形成的联盟，以及新形成的集体认同。潜在的假设是，对“异端”的反对可以被驯服，因为他们的自由信仰可以被平等地尊重，或者如果他们可以被用作达到目的的手段。即使在伊斯兰法律不承认的“宗教少数群体”，即巴比教徒和巴哈教徒的情况下，尽管这可能是根据指导模式过度要求尊重的情况，但不赞成仍然可以通过尊重不同的平等者来克服，并导致宽容。显然，不赞成-尊重模式必须是双向的，也就是说，“宗教少数派”和/或“宗教异见者”的信徒也可能对他们的对手表现出尊重和容忍，即使他们的对手没有基于平等承认不同的平等而给予这种尊重。

What kind of perceptions of tolerance and respect did individuals and groups of people struggle for in two crucial phases of modern Iran, i.e., the Constitutional Revolution of 1906–11 and the Revolution of 1978–79? The aim of my project is to use the ideas and phenomena of collective identities and self-categorisations, that is the constructions of ‘self’ and ‘other’, to elaborate these concepts. Social upheavals and the accompanying discourses that led to both revolutions and the subsequent constitutions can provide information about social and superordinate categorisations, their successes, and failures, respectively. In those times of socio-political radicalisation, political and religious or ideological accentuations as well as politically, religiously and/or ideologically conditioned and pragmatic demands for respect (i.e., recognition of equality) can be identified. Additionally, concessions to or rejections of respect and tolerance regarding ‘religious minorities’ can be detected. By drawing on the disapproval-respect model, closer attention to the inclusion/exclusion of and tolerance/intolerance towards members of ‘religious minorities’, (Azali-) Babis and Baha’is in particular, will shed new light on the alliances formed between ingroups and outgroups, the ‘self’ and the ‘other’ during the two revolutions of modern Iranian history in terms of a collective identity to be newly created. The underlying hypothesis assumes that disapproval of ‘heretics’ could be tamed by their being respected as equals regarding their liberal convictions or if they could be used as a means to an end. Even in the case of ‘religious minorities’ not recognised by Islamic law, namely Babis and Baha’is, and although this could be a case of an excessive demand for respect according to the guiding model, disapproval could still be overcome by respect for different equals and lead to tolerance. Obviously, the disapproval-respect model must work both ways, i.e., adherents of ‘religious minorities’ and/or ‘religious dissidents’ might also have shown respect towards and tolerate even those of their adversaries who did not reciprocate the kind of respect based on equality recognition of different equals.