Communism and the cult of the leader 1917-64

斯大林统治下的共产主义的一个决定性特征是对领袖的崇拜。在苏联内部，斯大林本人的崇拜和列宁的创始崇拜就是一个例子，列宁的崇拜是其声称的合法性的来源。然而，共产主义也是一场规模空前、凝聚力空前的国际政治运动，对它来说，苏联宗教实践的输出代表和加强了一种集中控制的文化。当这些做法在“高度斯大林主义”的冷战时期达到顶峰时，几乎每个共产党中都存在模仿邪教，斯大林本人在国际上有着明显的等级制度。领袖崇拜现象，表现在共产党人掌权的国家，已经引起了广泛的跨学科文献开辟了富有成果的路线，为进一步研究。然而，迄今为止，还没有对非执政的共产党内部领导邪教的起源、运作和接受进行一般性或比较性的研究。这项研究提供了这样一个研究。本书涵盖1917年至1964年这段时期，其时间范围一方面是俄国革命和共产国际的成立，另一方面是去斯大林化和“斯大林一代”共产主义领导人的去世。它的比较方法延伸到欧洲和北美的共产党，而领袖崇拜的共产主义现象本身被认为是在一个更广泛的比较背景下。在这一框架内，对英国和法国的共产党进行了更深入的关注。这些通常是法律的公共机构，它们提供了大量的邪教文献，从诗歌和庆典到模范生活和共产主义会议的仪式和协议。除了以哈里·波利特和莫里斯·托雷兹为代表的国内邪教领袖的例子外，国际邪教也可以通过在不同的政治环境中的出口和调解来重建。除了对列宁和斯大林的典型崇拜外，这项研究还考察了更广泛的国际知名领导人。革命护民官或烈士的形象可以追溯到国会纵火审判的英雄格奥尔基·季米特洛夫和被监禁的德国领导人恩斯特·台尔曼。虽然表达方式截然不同，但这些邪教的一个共同点是它们的男性主义结构。因此，西班牙共产党领袖Pasionaria的国际地位也受到了密切关注。领袖崇拜的产生和推广被视为斯大林个人化领导模式的直接复制和传播。然而，这项研究表明，他们的许可证是一个矛盾和相当紧张的问题。个人化的邪教旨在表达集体权威，通过个人政治资本的积累对集体权威构成威胁。这一点肯定得到了解决：通过模范的党内生活的反个人主义，或者虽然明确和明确地服从斯大林的更高崇拜。然而，小邪教的现象可以与苏联的“小斯大林”相提并论。有时会导致领导危机，党的集体力量经常被用来反对“反...历史学家们已经假定了一个基本的区别，正确的领导邪教和领导人在更开放的政治中的荣耀。“封闭”政党在“开放”系统中的运作可能有助于澄清和质疑这种区别，并提供新的见解“现代”现象的群众政治领袖。在不断扩大的现代个性文化文献中，对共产主义领袖崇拜的研究为个性化叙事与大众吹嘘的时代之间的关系提供了新的视角。

A defining feature of communism under Stalin was the cult of the leader. Within the USSR this was exemplified by Stalin's own cult, and by the founding cult of Lenin from which it derived its claimed legitimacy. Communism, however, was also an international political movement of unprecedented scope and cohesion, for which the export of Soviet cultic practices provided representation and reinforcement of a culture of centralised control. By the time these practices reached their apogee in the Cold War years of 'high Stalinism', mimetic cults existed in almost every communist party, with a clearly marked international hierarchy culminating in Stalin himself. The leader cult phenomenon, as manifested in countries where communists held power, has given rise to a wide inter-disciplinary literature opening up fruitful lines for further research. As yet, however, there exists no general or comparative study of the genesis, functioning and reception of the leader cults within non-ruling communist parties. This research provides such a study. Covering the period of 1917-64, its chronological scope is set on the one hand by the Russian revolution and founding of the Communist International, and on the other by destalinisation and the passing of a 'Stalin generation' of communist leaders. Its comparative approach extends across the communist parties of Europe and north America, and the communist phenomenon of the leader cult is itself considered in a broader comparative context. Incorporated within this framework is a more intensive focus on the communist parties of Britain and France. These were generally legal, public bodies and they offer extensive documentation of the cults in their diverse representations, from poetry and pageant to exemplary lives and the rituals and protocols of communist meetings. As well as examples of the domestic leader cult in the shape of Harry Pollitt and Maurice Thorez, international cults can be reconstructed through their export and mediation within distinct political milieux. As well as the defining cults of Lenin and Stalin, the research examines a broader cast of internationally prominent leaders. The figure of revolutionary tribune or martyr is traced through Georgi Dimitrov, hero of the Reichstag fire trial, and the imprisoned German leader Ernst Thälmann. Though articulated in strikingly different ways, a commonality of the cults was their masculinist construction. For this reason, the exceptional international standing of the Spanish communist leader Pasionaria' is also given close attention.The generation and promotion of the leader cults has been seen as a straightforward replication and transmission of Stalin's personalised leadership model. This research, however, suggests that their licensing of was a matter of paradox and considerable tension. Intended as an expression of collective authority, individualised cults threatened it through the accumulation of personal political capital. This was certainly addressed: through the anti-individualism of exemplary party lives, or though clear and explicit subordination to the higher cult of Stalin. Nevertheless, the phenomenon of the lesser cults may be compared with that of the 'little Stalins' in the USSR. Leadership crises sometimes resulted, and the party's collective force was regularly turned against the 'anti-cults' by which the individualised figure of the traitor or backslider was anathematised.Historians have postulated a basic distinction between leader cults proper and the glorification of leaders in more open polities The functioning of 'closed' parties within 'open' systems may help clarify and problematise such distinctions and offer new insight into the 'modern' phenomenon of the mass political leader. Within the expanding literature on the modern culture of personality, study of the communist leader cult offers new perspective on the relations between narratives of individuation and the vaunted age of the masses.