The Scots and the 'Protestant International', c.1680-c.1748

这个项目广泛地探索了从复辟后期到雅各布派最后一次崛起结束期间苏格兰人与欧洲新教徒的关系，以调查苏格兰人在多大程度上将自己视为欧洲共同宗教者联盟的一部分，以及这对他们的集体记忆、政治、民族认同和外国关系产生了什么影响。它解决了独立的苏格兰长老会外交视角在联合后的连续性等问题，并集中讨论了苏格兰汉诺威主义、苏格兰汉诺威外交官在欧洲、苏格兰人在欧洲联盟中的地位以及柯克人与欧洲新教徒的接触等问题。普遍存在的“新教国际意识”的建议对苏格兰历史上最具形成性的时期之一提出了重大问题。对长老会教徒的迫害在多大程度上被解读为一场全欧洲范围的战斗的一部分？反雅各布派是否将雅各布起义视为一场国际自白战争的前线，特别是在欧洲军队抵达苏格兰的时候？如果辉格党-长老党真的相信国际上捍卫一个被围困的宗教胜过苏格兰主权，人们很难想象他们会成为雅各布派-爱国者诗句中的“罗格包裹”。反联合主义者是如何考虑和部署新教国际主义的？汉诺威主义、长老会、记忆和宗教争论等主题都通过这部小说获得了新的视角。随着新的镜头进入更好的足迹，进入较少探索的领域的道路被打开。一个是许多未得到充分研究的苏格兰人，如利文、福尔法、斯塔尔和海德福德，他们都是关键新教盟友的大使，他们的定罪将通过他们的文件和信件以及他们被指派的欧洲法院的定罪来研究。苏格兰人柯克继续与国际领域接触的深度，以及它如何概念化世界事务，也将得到调查。这种说法是否表明，虽然苏格兰可能已被并入英国政府，但其长老会成员保持着独特的欧洲视角、身份认同以及与“新教国际”的关系，从而在联盟内部保持着一种独特的感觉？这个项目引发了最近的一系列辩论。它挑战了将王国联系在一起对抗欧洲“他者”的单一新教身份的论点，解决了以帝国为中心的历史学问题，并支持我们对18世纪苏格兰辉格党的理解的发展。同样，流行的苏格兰汉诺威主义的假设不存在也将从国际忏悔意识的角度进行审视。最终，它确保了苏格兰在越来越多的关于新教国际主义的著作中的地位，从汤普森和克莱登关于英格兰的著作，到特里姆和昂内金克关于胡格诺的著作。这个项目依赖的来源是无数的。由于柯克对政治领域的活力最近得到了强有力的重申，其来源具有重要意义。来自大会和地方长老会的记录至关重要。Burgh的记录也是如此，而对苏格兰旅行者、士兵和流亡者的描述揭示了他们与当地新教徒的互动，以及他们在多大程度上反映了一种熟悉感。在高级政治中，苏格兰上议院的文件是关键，苏格兰人在新教外交领域的记录也是如此，无论是在英国还是在国外。流行、布道和学术印刷品，如苏格兰国家图书馆，为这种意识提供了争议性的优势，而罗伯特·伍德罗、詹姆斯·柯克顿和其他人的藏书揭示了它对部长们的影响程度。在方法上，这个项目与记忆有关：它将考虑苏格兰以前参与新教世界的魔力，以及在多大程度上，《杀戮时代》的殉道者和海外新教徒的苦难发展到了相互支持的叙事。

This project explores Scottish relations with European Protestants between broadly the late Restoration period and the end of the last Jacobite Rising, in order to investigate the extent to which Scots saw themselves as part of a European coalition of co-religionists, and what impact this had upon their collective memory, politics, national identity and foreign ties. It addressesquestions such as the continuity of an independent Scots Presbyterian foreign perspective after Union, and focuses on Scottish Hanoverianism, Scottish Hanoverian diplomats in Europe, Scots in the European coalitions, and the Kirk's engagement with European Protestants.The suggestion of a widespread "Protestant international consciousness" raises major questions for the history of Scotland in one of its most formative periods. How far was the persecution of Presbyterians interpreted as part of a Europe-wide battle? Did Anti-Jacobites see the Jacobite Risings as fronts of an international-confessional war, especially when European troops arrived in Scotland? One can hardly imagine the Whig-Presbyterian party at the Union to be the "Parcel of Rogues" of Jacobite-Patriot verse if they genuinely believed that the international defence of a besieged religion trumped Scottish sovereignty. How did anti-Unionists consider and deploy Protestant Internationalism? The themes of Hanoverianism, Presbyterianism, memory and religious controversy all receive new angles by this novel focus.Together with a new lens to better-trodden ground, avenues into less explored areas are opened. One is the many under-studied Scots, such as Leven, Forfar, Stair and Hyndford, all ambassadors to key Protestant allies, whose convictions will be studied through their papers and correspondence, and those of their assigned European courts. How deeply the Scots Kirk continued to engage with the international sphere, and how it conceptualised world affairs, will also be investigated. Could this discourse indicate that while Scotland may have been subsumed into a British state, its Presbyterians maintained a unique European perspective, identity, and relationship with the "Protestant International", thus upholding a sense of distinctiveness inside the Union?This project contributes to a host of recent debates. It challenges arguments for a monolithic Protestant identity knitting the kingdoms together against a European "other", tackles imperial-centric historiographies and supports developments in our understanding of eighteenth-century Scottish Whiggism. Likewise, the supposed non-existence of popular Scottish Hanoverianism will be examined through the perspective of international-confessional consciousness. Ultimately, it secures Scotland's place among the growing body of works on Protestant internationalism, from Thompson's and Claydon's works on England, to Trim's and Onnekink's on the Huguenots.The sources upon which this project relies are myriad. As the vitality of the Kirk to the political sphere has recently been powerfully restated, its sources take on major importance. Records from the General Assembly and local Presbyteries are vital. So too are Burgh records, while accounts of Scottish travellers, soldiers and exiles reveal their interactions with local Protestants, and how far they reflected a sense of familiarity. In high politics, the papers of Scots Lords are key, as are records of Scots in the Protestant diplomatic sphere, in Britain or abroad. Popular, sermon, and scholarly print, as at the National Library of Scotland, provide polemical edge to this consciousness, while the collections of Robert Wodrow, James Kirkton and others reveal the extent to which it influenced ministers. Methodologically, this project is concerned with memory: it will consider the conjuring of Scotland's previous involvement with the Protestant world, and how far the "Killing Times" martyrology and Protestant suffering abroad developed mutually supporting narratives.