RAPID: American's Perceptions of China

2015年8月，人民币贬值，令国际金融界感到意外，并导致包括中国在内的许多市场剧烈波动。在这次贬值之前，2014年CCES（合作国会选举调查）中包含了一项实验，该实验以新闻故事的形式（一个正面，一个负面）描述了中国政府如何管理其货币。在2015年之后不久，使用类似的样本重复了相同的实验。鉴于人民币即将贬值的传言和总统选举对中国贸易的关注，同样的实验将作为2016年CCES的一个模块重复进行。 这项研究将允许研究如何框架的一个问题，实验，影响人们如何理解和评价中国在各种方式。 它还使我们能够研究人们反应的不同条件以及这些条件如何影响他们的反应。 这包括以前在贬值之前和贬值之后不久以及现在在总统选举周期期间进行的实验。首先，有一个原始的、直接的想法，即有机会研究一个问题的框架是如何通过实验（现在是完全控制条件）影响人们如何以各种方式理解和评价中国的。第二个想法是重复一次关于中国货币及其可能的管理的调查和实验，在受访者能够切实地知道中国人可能会这样做之前，但只能猜测，在国会选举期间猜测，各种各样的关于中国的说法都在“空气”中。然后，当有接近实验处理的新闻报道时，我们重复它，本质上，然后再次重复（假设）一旦报道过去，但是在总统竞选期间（因此可能会从两党获得关于中国的主要总统级别的信息，而不是更分散，不是全国性的）。很少有这样的机会，有一个之前，期间，之后审判。我们很少有机会讨论框架是如何工作的，因为在实际的政治环境中有不同的背景信息。 这项研究的更广泛影响将是对美国人如何看待“中国崛起”的理解的延伸，因为它变得越来越有新闻价值。尤其是，当人们的看法和评价受到中国真实的事件、国内政治和新闻报道框架的冲击时，他们能够看到这些看法和评价的可塑性。

In August, 2015, the Chinese RMB was devalued, which came as something of surprise to the international financial community and led to dramatic volatility in many markets, including the Chinese. Prior to this devaluation, an experiment was included on the 2014 CCES (Cooperative Congressional Election Survey) that had as its treatment two short vignettes in the guise of news stories (one positive, one negative) about how the Chinese government was managing its currency. Soon after the 2015, this same experiment was repeated using a similar sample. Given the rumored upcoming devaluation of the RMB and the focus of the presidential election on Chinese trade, the same experiment will be repeated as a module of the 2016 CCES. This study will allow the study of how framing of an issue, experimentally, affects how people understand and evaluate China in a variety of ways. It also allows us to examine different conditions under which people react and how these conditions impact their reactions. This includes the previous experiments prior to a devaluation and soon after a devaluation and now during a presidential election cycle.The intellectual merit of this project is two-fold. First, there is the original, direct idea, of having the opportunity to study how the framing of an issue, experimentally (and now, with full control condition), affects how people understand and evaluate China in a variety of ways. The second idea is to repeat a survey and an experiment about Chinese currency and its possible management before the respondents could realistically know that the Chinese might actually do so, but could only guess, and guess during a congressional election, with a variety of claims in the "air" about China. We then repeat it while there is news coverage available that is close to the experimental treatment, per se, and then repeat it again (it is assumed) once that coverage is well past, but when in the middle of presidential election campaign (and thus are likely to get mostly a presidential level set of messages about China from the two parties, rather than a more diffuse and not so nationally focused). Rarely, is there such an opportunity to have a before, during, after trial. Rarely do we also have the opportunity to address how framing might work, given different background information in the actual political environment. The broader impact of the study will be an extension of the understanding of how Americans view the "rising of China," as it becomes ever more newsworthy. And, in particular, the ability to see how malleable perceptions and evaluations are, as they are buffeted about by real events in China, by domestic politics, and by the framing of news coverage.