Collective Identities in Modern Iran: Revolutions as Historical Crystallisation Points of Categorisation, Radicalisation and Tolerance

现代伊朗的集体身份：作为分类、激进和宽容的历史结晶点的革命

• 批准号: 519111628
• 负责人: Professorin Dr. Anja Pistor-Hatam
• 金额: --
• 依托单位: Seminar für Orientalistik
• 依托单位国家: 德国
• 项目类别: Research Units
• 资助国家: 德国
• 项目状态: 未结题
• 来源: https://gepris.dfg.de/gepris/projekt/519111628?language=en
• 关键词: Collective; Identities; Modern; Iran; Revolutions

What kind of perceptions of tolerance and respect did individuals and groups of people struggle for in two crucial phases of modern Iran, i.e., the Constitutional Revolution of 1906–11 and the Revolution of 1978–79? The aim of my project is to use the ideas and phenomena of collective identities and self-categorisations, that is the constructions of ‘self’ and ‘other’, to elaborate these concepts. Social upheavals and the accompanying discourses that led to both revolutions and the subsequent constitutions can provide information about social and superordinate categorisations, their successes, and failures, respectively. In those times of socio-political radicalisation, political and religious or ideological accentuations as well as politically, religiously and/or ideologically conditioned and pragmatic demands for respect (i.e., recognition of equality) can be identified. Additionally, concessions to or rejections of respect and tolerance regarding ‘religious minorities’ can be detected. By drawing on the disapproval-respect model, closer attention to the inclusion/exclusion of and tolerance/intolerance towards members of ‘religious minorities’, (Azali-) Babis and Baha’is in particular, will shed new light on the alliances formed between ingroups and outgroups, the ‘self’ and the ‘other’ during the two revolutions of modern Iranian history in terms of a collective identity to be newly created. The underlying hypothesis assumes that disapproval of ‘heretics’ could be tamed by their being respected as equals regarding their liberal convictions or if they could be used as a means to an end. Even in the case of ‘religious minorities’ not recognised by Islamic law, namely Babis and Baha’is, and although this could be a case of an excessive demand for respect according to the guiding model, disapproval could still be overcome by respect for different equals and lead to tolerance. Obviously, the disapproval-respect model must work both ways, i.e., adherents of ‘religious minorities’ and/or ‘religious dissidents’ might also have shown respect towards and tolerate even those of their adversaries who did not reciprocate the kind of respect based on equality recognition of different equals.

在现代伊朗的两个关键阶段，即，1906年至1911年的宪政革命和1978年至1979年的革命？我的项目的目的是使用集体身份和自我分类的概念和现象，即“自我”和“他者”的建构，来阐述这些概念。导致革命和随后的宪法的社会动荡和随之而来的话语可以分别提供关于社会和高级分类及其成功和失败的信息。在社会政治激进化、政治和宗教或意识形态强调以及政治、宗教和/或意识形态上有条件的和务实的尊重要求的时代（即，平等的原则）可以被确认。此外，可以发现对"宗教少数群体"的尊重和容忍的让步或拒绝。通过借鉴不赞成-尊重模式，更密切地关注对"宗教少数群体"成员，特别是（阿扎里-）巴比斯和巴哈教徒的包容/排斥和容忍/不容忍，将为伊朗现代历史上两次革命期间内部群体和外部群体、"自我"和"他者"之间形成的联盟提供新的启示，以重新创造集体身份。潜在的假设假设是，对“异教徒”的不赞成可以通过他们在自由信念方面被平等地尊重或者如果他们可以被用作达到目的的手段来驯服。即使是不被伊斯兰法律承认的"宗教少数群体"，即巴比斯和巴哈伊，尽管根据指导模式，这可能是一个过度要求尊重的情况，但对不同平等者的尊重仍然可以克服不赞成，并导致宽容。显然，不赞成-尊重模式必须双向运作，即，"宗教少数群体"和/或"宗教持不同政见者"的信徒也可能对那些即使是对手也不以平等承认不同平等者为基础的尊重作出回报的人表示尊重和容忍。