The Second Other- Sovereignty, Separatism and the Exclusionary Politics of Asylum in the UK and Europe

为了应对2015年的欧洲“难民危机”，威尔士政府承诺，通过建立欢迎和好客的文化，威尔士应该成为世界上第一个避难所。这篇博士论文研究了威尔士避难所的概念是什么，它的作用是什么，以及“避难所的国家”的话语和叙事如何提供了新的方式来重新审视好客的隐喻，以及它在移民主权框架中的作用。事实上，关于移民的批评文献很早就建立了这样的隐喻，即“慷慨的”好客的比喻，经常被用来描述领土民族国家和移民之间的关系(德里达2000)，需要将陌生人归类为可识别的客人，这对移民证券化的政治至关重要。但是，尽管英国政府对漫长夏季移民的回应确实是通过分类和分类的证券化逻辑来框定的，但我的论文发现，威尔士政府的回应--将威尔士想象中的威尔士作为一个“欢迎国家”--也是一种通过与英国主权民族国家区分的言辞政治来创造民族自我想象的手段。这一回应涉及到我所构想的第二个他者(即将出版的《伯恩哈特2021》)。从理论上讲，这意味着通过好客的比喻来阐述对移民的反应有时被使用的方式不仅在主权民族国家(东道主)和移民的“其他”(客人)之间创造了一种二元关系。取而代之的是，在一个国家以下或被移交的领土单位内，政府或公民社会行为者通过一种针对庇护的排他性政治的话语分化政治，创造出针对旧的主权民族国家的“新的”民族自我想象。但人们对这种新的国家话语在多大程度上仍然存在矛盾，这在多大程度上仍然是“反对和建立以移民他人为代价的”(希尔2016)，使不平等的主体关系永久化。考虑到关于庇护的新的国家以下讨论的这些潜在的模棱两可的情况，博士后研究员将在概念上进一步发展这一论点，提出以下问题：争取民族独立的政治斗争如何影响主权民族国家对移民和庇护政治的态度？其目标是首先从概念上，然后(有限地)从经验上探讨政治上争取分离主义和(国家)独立如何影响对庇护政治排他性的态度这一问题--这一问题迄今没有在关于移徙的批评文献中加以研究。这个博士后研究项目旨在将主权、分离主义和政治以及移民和庇护的论述之间的这种交集概念化。它建议从经验和理论上建立在威尔士案例研究结果的基础上，并将它们与苏格兰正在发生的政治避难进行比较，在苏格兰，争取独立的苏格兰民族党(SNP)领导着目前权力下放的苏格兰政府。从那以后，加泰罗尼亚的实证案例研究与威尔士和苏格兰的情况进行比较也将是独特的有益的。这是因为巴塞罗那作为寻求庇护者和难民的“团结城市”有着悠久而令人困惑的历史(见奥古斯丁和约根森2019年)。然而，它也是加泰罗尼亚分离主义运动的中心。这种比较的概念目标将是查明第二个他人的话语是否一定是以难民被框定为“客人”为代价建立的，或者是否也可以使新来的人和更多定居的居民之间能够以新的、横向的形式团结起来，例如通过分享“在他们自己家里被当作客人”的经历。

In response to what has been called the European 'refugee crisis' in 2015, the Welsh Government committed that Wales should become the world's first Nation of Sanctuary through building a culture of welcome and hospitality. The PhD thesis examined what the idea of a Welsh Nation of Sanctuary means, what it does, and how the discourses and narratives of a 'Nation of Sanctuary' provide new ways of revisiting the metaphor of hospitality, and its role in sovereign framings of migration.Indeed, the critical literature on migration had long established that the metaphor of a 'generous' hospitality, often used to describe the relation between a territorial nation-state and migrants (Derrida 2000), entails the categorisation of the stranger as the identifiable guest, which is critical to the politics of securitisation of migration. But while the British governments response to the long summer of migration was indeed framed through those securitising logics of categorisation and classification, my thesis found that the response of the Welsh government, using this imaginary of Wales as a 'welcoming nation' was also a means to create national self-imaginaries through a discursive politics of differentiation from the British sovereign nation-state. This response involved what I have conceptualised as a second othering (Bernhardt 2021, forthcoming). Theoretically, this means the discursive framing of responses to migration through the metaphor of hospitality is sometimes used in a way that not only creates a binary relationship between the sovereign nation-state (host) and the migrant 'other' (guest). Instead, government or civil society actors within a subnational or devolved territorial unit create 'new' national self-imaginaries against the 'old' sovereign nation-state through a discursive politics of differentiation aimed at the exclusionary politics of asylum. But ambivalences remained to what extent such a new national discourse is still "set against and built at the expense of the immigrant Other" (Hill 2016), perpetuating unequal subject relations. With these potential ambiguities of new subnational discourses regarding asylum in mind, the postdoctoral fellowship would develop the thesis conceptually further, in asking: How does the political strive for national independence effects attitudes towards migration and the politics of asylum of the sovereign nation-state? The goal is to develop a first conceptual and then (limited) empirical engagement with the question of how the political strive for separatism and (national) independence effects attitudes towards the exclusionary politics of asylum- an issue that hitherto has not been examined in the critical literature on migration. The postdoctoral research project is intended to conceptualise this intersection between discourses of sovereignty, separatism and the politics and discourses of migration and asylum. It proposes to proposes to empirically and theoretically built on the findings from the case study in Wales, and compare them with the discursive politics of asylum taking place in Scotland, where the Scottish National Party (SNP), striving for independence, is leading the current devolved Scottish government. Following from that, the empirical case study of Catalonia would also be uniquely beneficial to be compared to the situation in Wales and Scotland. This is because the city of Barcelona has a long and contuning history as a 'solidarity city' for asylum seekers and refugees (see Agustin and Jorgensen 2019). Yet, it is also the central place of the Catalan separatist movement. The conceptual goal of this comparison would be then to find out if the discourse of a second other is necessarily built at the expense of refugees being framed as 'guests', or if it could also enable new, horizontal forms of solidarity between new arrivals and more settled residents, for example through shared experiences of being "treated as a guest in their own home".