The Second Other- Sovereignty, Separatism and the Exclusionary Politics of Asylum in the UK and Europe

为应对2015年所谓的欧洲“难民危机”，威尔士政府承诺，威尔士应通过建立一种欢迎和好客的文化，成为世界上第一个庇护国。博士论文研究了威尔士庇护国的概念意味着什么，它是什么，以及“庇护国”的话语和叙述如何提供重新审视好客隐喻的新方法，以及它在移民主权框架中的作用。事实上，关于移民的批判性文献早就确立了“慷慨”好客的比喻，通常用于描述领土民族国家与移民之间的关系（Derrida 2000），需要将陌生人归类为可识别的客人，这对移民证券化的政治至关重要。但是，虽然英国政府对漫长的移民之夏的反应确实是通过那些分类和分类的证券化逻辑来构建的，但我的论文发现，威尔士政府的反应，将威尔士想象成一个“欢迎国家”，也是一种通过与英国主权民族国家区分的话语政治来创造国家自我想象的手段。这种反应涉及到我将其概念化为第二个他者（Bernhardt 2021，即将出版）。从理论上讲，这意味着通过好客的比喻来回应移民的话语框架有时不仅在主权民族国家（东道国）和移民“他者”（客人）之间建立了二元关系。相反，在次国家或下放的领土单位内，政府或公民社会行动者通过针对排他性政治的差异化话语政治，创造了“新的”国家自我想象，以反对“旧的”主权民族国家。但是，这种新的国家话语在多大程度上仍然“反对并建立在牺牲移民他者的基础上”（Hill 2016），使不平等的主体关系永久化，这种矛盾仍然存在。考虑到这些关于庇护的新的次国家话语的潜在模糊性，博士后奖学金将在概念上进一步发展论文，提出以下问题：争取国家独立的政治斗争如何影响对移民的态度和主权民族国家的庇护政治？我们的目标是首先从概念上，然后（有限的）实证地研究分离主义和（国家）独立的政治斗争如何影响人们对庇护的排他性政治的态度，这一问题迄今为止还没有在关于移民的批评文献中得到研究。博士后研究项目旨在概念化主权，分离主义和政治话语以及移民和庇护话语之间的交集。它建议从经验和理论上建立在威尔士案例研究结果的基础上，并将其与苏格兰发生的话语政治庇护进行比较，在苏格兰，争取独立的苏格兰民族党（SNP）正在领导目前的下放苏格兰政府。在此基础上，加泰罗尼亚的实证案例研究也将独特地有利于与威尔士和苏格兰的情况进行比较。这是因为巴塞罗那市作为寻求庇护者和难民的“团结城市”有着悠久而持续的历史（见奥古斯丁和约根森2019）。然而，它也是加泰罗尼亚分离主义运动的中心。这种比较的概念目标将是找出是否必须以牺牲难民被视为“客人”为代价来建立第二个人的话语，或者它是否也可以在新抵达者和更定居的居民之间建立新的，横向的团结形式，例如通过分享“在自己家里被当作客人对待”的经历。

In response to what has been called the European 'refugee crisis' in 2015, the Welsh Government committed that Wales should become the world's first Nation of Sanctuary through building a culture of welcome and hospitality. The PhD thesis examined what the idea of a Welsh Nation of Sanctuary means, what it does, and how the discourses and narratives of a 'Nation of Sanctuary' provide new ways of revisiting the metaphor of hospitality, and its role in sovereign framings of migration.Indeed, the critical literature on migration had long established that the metaphor of a 'generous' hospitality, often used to describe the relation between a territorial nation-state and migrants (Derrida 2000), entails the categorisation of the stranger as the identifiable guest, which is critical to the politics of securitisation of migration. But while the British governments response to the long summer of migration was indeed framed through those securitising logics of categorisation and classification, my thesis found that the response of the Welsh government, using this imaginary of Wales as a 'welcoming nation' was also a means to create national self-imaginaries through a discursive politics of differentiation from the British sovereign nation-state. This response involved what I have conceptualised as a second othering (Bernhardt 2021, forthcoming). Theoretically, this means the discursive framing of responses to migration through the metaphor of hospitality is sometimes used in a way that not only creates a binary relationship between the sovereign nation-state (host) and the migrant 'other' (guest). Instead, government or civil society actors within a subnational or devolved territorial unit create 'new' national self-imaginaries against the 'old' sovereign nation-state through a discursive politics of differentiation aimed at the exclusionary politics of asylum. But ambivalences remained to what extent such a new national discourse is still "set against and built at the expense of the immigrant Other" (Hill 2016), perpetuating unequal subject relations. With these potential ambiguities of new subnational discourses regarding asylum in mind, the postdoctoral fellowship would develop the thesis conceptually further, in asking: How does the political strive for national independence effects attitudes towards migration and the politics of asylum of the sovereign nation-state? The goal is to develop a first conceptual and then (limited) empirical engagement with the question of how the political strive for separatism and (national) independence effects attitudes towards the exclusionary politics of asylum- an issue that hitherto has not been examined in the critical literature on migration. The postdoctoral research project is intended to conceptualise this intersection between discourses of sovereignty, separatism and the politics and discourses of migration and asylum. It proposes to proposes to empirically and theoretically built on the findings from the case study in Wales, and compare them with the discursive politics of asylum taking place in Scotland, where the Scottish National Party (SNP), striving for independence, is leading the current devolved Scottish government. Following from that, the empirical case study of Catalonia would also be uniquely beneficial to be compared to the situation in Wales and Scotland. This is because the city of Barcelona has a long and contuning history as a 'solidarity city' for asylum seekers and refugees (see Agustin and Jorgensen 2019). Yet, it is also the central place of the Catalan separatist movement. The conceptual goal of this comparison would be then to find out if the discourse of a second other is necessarily built at the expense of refugees being framed as 'guests', or if it could also enable new, horizontal forms of solidarity between new arrivals and more settled residents, for example through shared experiences of being "treated as a guest in their own home".