The European populist radical Right's evolving relationship with Israel

人们承认，民粹主义激进右翼(PRR)的崛起代表着西欧政党政治的一个关键发展。然而，尽管选民支持和国内战略的驱动因素开始受到学术界的关注，但很少有人将重点放在革命制度的国际议程上。通过我提出的西欧革命制度与以色列关系的研究，我将解决这一盲点。研究表明，主流政党体现了一种过时的社会概念，这与全球化的西欧的大部分选民形成了鲜明对比。在这种情况下，革命制度改革有效地利用了人们对国家认同和传统价值观受到威胁的担忧，并处于理想的地位，可以提供文化保护主义政策作为回应。然而，其他战略和意识形态因素也起到了重要作用。出于对主流接受的渴望，革命制度的一些内容符合1945年后拒绝反犹太主义的政治共识--无论这种态度的总体弹性如何。反犹太主义的历史已经(公开)被反穆斯林偏见所掩盖，这在今天的政治辩论中更容易被接受。然而，更令人费解的是，有迹象表明，革命制度党正在对国际冲突采取新的立场。在这里，学者们注意到对以色列的支持程度越来越高。“亲以色列”的立场是否加剧了全球化“输家”的焦虑？革命制度党是否模糊了以色列和欧洲之间的边界，以证实自己的文化保护主义和日益增长的反穆斯林偏见？或者，对以色列越来越多的支持是为了遵守1945年后的共识而精心策划的尝试？随着政党大家庭的壮大，革命制度党的外交政策将变得越来越重要。因此，至关重要的是要了解决定国家政策的因素是否对国际事务同样有效。在这个目标下，博士的中心研究问题是：自1979年以来，西欧民粹主义激进右翼对以色列的立场发生了怎样的变化？由于我的研究将国家问题和国内问题联系在一起，我的研究结果将引起国际关系学者和比较政治学者的兴趣。在第一年的研究框架和文献回顾之后，我将进行为期12个月的研究和实地考察。中心研究问题将在学习的第三年通过两个相互关联的调查阶段得到回答。首先，我将对革命制度党在欧洲和国家层面发表的与以色列/巴勒斯坦有关的政治声明进行语篇分析。在全国范围内，我将把重点放在主要的西欧国家--奥地利、英国、法国、德国和瑞士--以更好地了解自1979年以来，革命制度党在多大程度上向以色列倾斜。我之前的研究表明了一个明显的、尽管不均衡的“亲以色列”转变，我相信进一步的研究将会证实这一点。通过我在东耶路撒冷的工作，我也看到了这种转变的迹象。其次，我将着手确定2)促使革命制度党改变对以色列支持的因素。在这里，我将主要测试两个可能的假设：2a)革命制度党对以色列越来越多的支持是试图利用转型后的西欧的新政治机会；以及2b)革命制度党正在采取亲以色列的立场来正常化其公众形象。在这里，对革命制度各政党的专家访谈将建立在对政党声明的分析的基础上。此外，我将进行参与式观察，参加几个亲以色列的活动，由革命制度党的政治家参加。从本质上讲，这个博士学位将考察外国争端在多大程度上已经成为PRR文化保护主义政策的意识形态例证。在一个以社会紧张局势为标志的所谓恐怖主义时代，既有学术上的需要，也有迫切的政治需要来弥合这种理解上的鸿沟。

It is acknowledged that the rise of the populist Radical Right (PRR) represents a key development in party politics in Western Europe. However, while the drivers of voter support and domestic strategies start to receive scholarly attention, little analysis has focused on the international agenda of the PRR. Through my proposed study of the Western European PRR's relationship with Israel, I will address this blind spot. Research has shown that mainstream parties embody an outdated concept of society that contrasts with large parts of the electorate in a globalised Western Europe. Under these conditions, the PRR has been effective in tapping into fears that national identity and traditional values are under threat, and is ideally placed to offer policies of cultural protectionism in response. Yet other strategic and ideological factors also play an important role. The desire for mainstream acceptance has seen elements of the PRR conforming to a post-1945 political consensus that rejects anti-Semitism - regardless of the general resilience of such attitudes. A history of anti-Semitism has been (publicly) eclipsed by anti-Muslim prejudice, which today is more easily accepted in political debates. More puzzling, however, are signs that the PRR is adopting novel positions on international conflicts. Here, scholars have noted increasing levels of support for Israel. Does a 'pro-Israeli' position feed into the anxieties of globalisation's 'losers'? Is the PRR blurring the borders between Israel and Europe to validate its own cultural protectionism and growing anti-Muslim prejudice? Or is the increasing support for Israel a calculated attempt to conform to a post-1945 consensus? The foreign policy of the PRR will become increasingly relevant as the party family grows. Thus, it is crucial to understand if factors determining national policies are equally valid for international affairs. With this goal, the PhD's central research question is: 'How has the Western European Populist Radical Right's Position towards Israel Changed since 1979?'. With its link between national and domestic issues, the results of my research will interest both scholars of IR and comparative politics. Following the development of a research framework and literature review in the first year of study, I will proceed with 12 months of research and fieldwork. The central research question will be answered via two interrelated stages of enquiry in the third year of study. First, I will be performing a discourse analysis of political statements made by the PRR related to Israel/Palestine at both a European and national level. Nationally, I will focus on key Western European states - Austria, Britain, France, Germany and Switzerland - to better understand 1) the extent to which the PRR has shifted its position towards Israel since 1979. My previous research signals a clear albeit uneven 'pro-Israeli' shift which I believe further research will verify. I have also witnessed indicative signs of such a shift through my work in East Jerusalem. Second, I will set out to identify 2) the factors driving the PRR's change in support for Israel. Here, I will be chiefly testing two possible assumptions: 2a) that the PRR's growing support for Israel is an attempt to capitalise on new political openings in a transformed Western Europe; and 2b) that the PRR is adopting a 'pro-Israeli' position to normalise its public image. Here, expert interviews with PRR parties will build on the analysis of party statements. Furthermore, I will be undertaking participatory observation, participating in several 'pro-Israeli' events attended by PRR politicians. In essence, this PhD will examine the extent to which foreign disputes have become ideological illustrations of the PRR's culturally protectionist policies. In a supposed age of terrorism marked by heightened social tensions, there is a both an academic and pressing political need to to close this gap in understanding.