权益分类	功能权益	普通用户	{{item.name}}会员
{{category.name}}	{{benefitItem.name}}

Semantics and Pragmatics of Conditionals: form Sentence to Discourse

条件句的语义和语用：从句子到话语

基本信息

批准号：
208599567
负责人：
Professorin Dr. Maribel Romero, Ph.D.
金额：
--
依托单位：
Arbeitsgruppe Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft mit Schwerpunkt Semantik
依托单位国家：
德国
项目类别：
Research Units
财政年份：
2012
资助国家：
德国
起止时间：
2011-12-31 至 2019-12-31
项目状态：
已结题

来源：
https://gepris.dfg.de/gepris/projekt/208599567?language=en
关键词：
Semantics Pragmatics Conditionals form Sentence

项目摘要

P2 investigates the division of labor between semantics and pragmatics in conditionals. We explore this question in three domains: at the sentence level, at the discourse level, and at the interface with epistemology.At the sentence level, continuing the research initiated in the first funding period, we will examine the morphological composition of the full paradigm of conditional constructions and investigate how surface differences lead to differences in truth and/or felicity conditions. We will explain why some kinds of conditional systematically but cancellably generate the infor-mation that their antecedents are unlikely, why other kinds systematically (and only sometimes cancellably) generate the information that their antecedents are false, and why the remaining kinds are not systematically attended by either kind of information.At the discourse level we engage the debate over strict and variably strict analyses of conditionals. There are two arguments in favor of a strict analysis: (i) Sobel sequences and (ii) Negative Polarity Item (NPI) licensing. The strict conditional explanation of Sobel sequences has recently been challenged by novel data. We will pursue an explanation for conditional sequences in terms of implicatures, rhetorical relations and information structure which has the potential to explain all of the available data. von Fintel¿s NPI argument for a strict analysis of conditionals relies on a widely successful generalization that explains NPI-licensing in other domains. However, the key ingredient that is added in extending the account to conditionals threatens to undermine its success in some domains: non-adnominal only and focus-sensitive regret and surprise. We investigate how the focus-sensitivity of these constructions can be modelled while at the same time licensing NPIs as in von Fintel`s analysis.At the interface with epistemology, we study the interaction between conditionals, epistemic modals, and evidentials to develop tools that will help bridge a gap between semantics and epistemology. Epistemologists are concerned with modelling how individuals change their beliefs in the light of new information. Conditionals play a special role in such theories. However, existing theories of the dynamics of belief by epistemologists have taken conditionals to lack truth values. This raises the embedding problem: if conditionals lack truth conditions, how do we explain the interpretability of complex sentences with conditional components? We expect fruit from studying conditionals together with evidentials and epistemic modals because the members of all three classes of lexical items (i) contribute information about the likelihood of their proposition and (ii) are syntactically embeddable, though in an interestingly restricted way.

P2考察了条件句中语义和语用的分工。我们将从句子层面、语篇层面和与认识论的界面三个方面来探讨这个问题。在句子层面，我们将继续第一个资助期的研究，考察条件构式完整范式的形态构成，并探讨表面差异如何导致真值和/或恰当条件的差异。我们将解释为什么某些类型的条件句系统地但可取消地产生其先行词不可能的信息，为什么其他类型的条件句系统地（只有有时可取消地）产生其先行词为假的信息，以及为什么其余类型的条件句没有系统地被任何一种信息所关注。有两个论点支持严格的分析：（i）Sobel序列和（ii）负极性项（NPI）许可。Sobel序列的严格条件解释最近受到新数据的挑战。我们将从隐含意义、修辞关系和信息结构等方面对条件序列进行解释，这些因素有可能解释所有可用的数据。冯·芬特尔的NPI论点的严格分析的条件依赖于一个广泛成功的概括，解释了NPI许可在其他领域。然而，在将该解释扩展到条件句时添加的关键成分可能会破坏其在某些领域的成功：仅非名词性和焦点敏感的遗憾和惊讶。我们调查如何可以模拟这些结构的焦点敏感性，同时在冯Fintel`s分析许可NPI的接口与认识论，我们研究的条件，认知模态和证据之间的相互作用，以开发工具，这将有助于弥合语义和认识论之间的差距。认识论者关注的是对个体如何根据新信息改变其信念进行建模。条件句在这些理论中起着特殊的作用。然而，现有的理论的动态信念的认识论者采取条件缺乏真理价值。这就提出了嵌入问题：如果条件句缺乏真值条件，我们如何解释具有条件成分的复杂句子的可解释性？我们期望从研究条件句与证据和认知情态动词一起取得成果，因为所有三类词汇项的成员（i）贡献关于其命题可能性的信息，（ii）是句法嵌入的，尽管以一种有趣的限制方式。