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Obligatory Presupposition Triggers – Experimental Evidence

强制性预设触发因素 – 实验证据

基本信息

批准号：
254945295
负责人：
Professorin Dr. Sigrid Beck
金额：
--
依托单位：
Englisches Seminar
依托单位国家：
德国
项目类别：
Priority Programmes
财政年份：
2014
资助国家：
德国
起止时间：
2013-12-31 至 2019-12-31
项目状态：
已结题

来源：
https://gepris.dfg.de/gepris/projekt/254945295?language=en
关键词：
Obligatory Presupposition Triggers Experimental Evidence

项目摘要

The project is concerned with the experimental investigation of the obligatory occurrence of presupposition triggers. The conclusion of the first funding period was that presupposition (PSP) triggers fall into two classes with respect to their obligatory insertion. The insertion of one set of triggers, including definites, follows from a principle Maximize Presupposition (MaxPres; Heim 1991), whereas the insertion of another set of triggers is dependent on the obligatory occurrence of exhaustivity implicature (Bade 2016). In German, iteratives (wieder "again") and additives (auch "also") fall into the second class of "pragmatic" triggers, whereas the definite article and other presuppositional features fall into the first class of more "grammatical" triggers. A contrastive study on the language Ga indicates that additives are obligatory irrespective of previous exhaustification, and that their use is thus better captured by Maximize Presupposition.In the second funding period, we want to address two major questions raised by our previous findings. First, does class membership of a trigger have an impact on processing? Reading time studies are supposed to shed light on this issue. Obligatory Implicatures predicts missing trigger inferences to be processed like implicatures, while Maximize Presupposition posits a special inference whose status is yet to be further elucidated. Second, what is the source of the crosslinguistic variation in the obligatoriness of the trigger? Bade (2016) identifies morphosyntactically overt exhaustivity marking as a potential factor. Overt exhaustivity marking can be found both in Ga ("ni"-cleft) and in Chinese (particles "cái" and "jiù"). Having specified the exhaustive meaning contribution of the expressions in question, we want to investigate their potential influence on the obligatory insertion of PSP triggers.

该项目涉及对预设触发因素的必然发生进行实验研究。第一个资助期的结论是，预设 (PSP) 触发器根据其强制插入分为两类。一组触发器（包括定语）的插入遵循最大化预设原则（MaxPres；Heim 1991），而另一组触发器的插入取决于穷举蕴涵的强制发生（Bade 2016）。在德语中，迭代（wieder“再次”）和附加词（又名“也”）属于第二类“实用”触发器，而定冠词和其他预设特征则属于第一类更“语法”触发器。对语言 Ga 的对比研究表明，无论之前的穷尽情况如何，添加剂都是强制性的，因此最大化预设可以更好地捕获它们的使用。在第二个资助期间，我们希望解决我们之前的发现提出的两个主要问题。首先，触发器的类成员资格对处理有影响吗？阅读时间研究应该可以阐明这个问题。强制性含义预测缺失的触发推论将像含义一样被处理，而最大化预设则提出了一个特殊的推论，其状态还有待进一步阐明。其次，触发器的强制性的跨语言差异的根源是什么？ Bade (2016) 将形态句法上的明显穷举标记视为一个潜在因素。明显的穷举标记可以在嘎（“ni”裂）和中文（助词“cái”和“jiù”）中找到。在指定了相关表达式的详尽意义贡献后，我们想要研究它们对强制插入 PSP 触发器的潜在影响。