A Comparative Linguistic Study of the Verbal Morphology of Indo-European Languages in Ancient Anatolia

古代安纳托利亚印欧语语言形态的比较语言学研究

• 批准号: 04801057
• 负责人: YOSHIDA Kazuhiko
• 金额: $ 0.83万
• 依托单位: KYOTO UNIVERSITY
• 依托单位国家: 日本
• 项目类别: Grant-in-Aid for General Scientific Research (C)
• 财政年份: 1992
• 资助国家: 日本
• 起止时间: 1992 至 1993
• 项目状态: 已结题
• 来源: https://kaken.nii.ac.jp/en/grant/KAKENHI-PROJECT-04801057/
• 关键词: Anatolian languages; Cuneiform Luvian; Hieroglyphic Luvian; Lycian; Hittite; middle; active; ending; 印欧アナトリア語派; ルウィ系諸言語; 能動態; ルウィ語; アナトリア諸語; 比較言語学; 楔形文書

The seeming absence of preterite middle forms from a Luvian group of the minor Anatolian languages (Cuneiform Luvian, Hieroglyphic Luvian, and Lycian) is not due to chance. As far as the 3sg.and 3 pl.are concerned, it is probably attributed to the formal replacement of the active ending by the corresponding middle ending.The 3 pl.active preterite endings reconstructed for late Proto-Anatolian are ^<**>-er, ^<**>-r__o, and ^<**>-an (< ^<**>-ant). Among these endings ^<**>-er was generalized to bo the mi-and *i-conjugations in Hittite. In a Luvian group, on the other hand, the undercharacterized ^<**>-an was replaced by the 3 pl.middle ^<**>-anta, which, ousting the ^<**>-er and ^<**>-r__o, came to serve as a general preterite marker (Cuneiform Luvian -nta, Hieroglyphic Luvian-^nta, Lycian-^nte, -^nte^^-).In the case of the 3 sg., the middle preterite ending [^<**>-ta]or[^<**>-da]was added to the mi-verbs, which were endingless because Common Luvian lost final dentals. The Quality of the dental, lenited or unlenited, was determined by that of the corresponding present form. A similar kind of remodelling also occurred to the 3 sg.preterite of the *i-conjugation, where the original ^<**>-s was replaced by the unmarked middle ending [^<**>-ta]. This view most naturally explains why each mi-verb is consistent in the dental quality of its ending form and why the contrast between lenited and unlenited dentals is not observed in the *i-conjugation.

小安纳托利亚语中的卢维安语群（楔形卢维安语、象形文字卢维安语和吕西亚语）似乎没有古老的中间形式，这不是偶然的。就第三格和第三复数而言，这可能是由于主动词尾被相应的中间词尾所取代的结果。在原始安纳托利亚晚期重建的第三复数主动词尾是^<**>-er，^<**>-r_o和^<**>-an（< ^<**>-ant）。在这些词尾中，^<**>-er被推广到了赫梯语的mi-和 * i-变位。另一方面，在Luvian组中，特征不充分的^<**>-an被3个中间的^<**>-anta所取代，它取代了^<**>-er和^<**>-r__o，成为一般的古生物标记（楔形Luvian -nta，象形Luvian-^nta，Lycian-^nte，-^nte^^-）。在3 sg.的情况下，中间的古动词词尾[^**>-ta]或[^**>-da]被加到小动词上，因为卢维安语没有词尾。牙齿的质量，无论是否有光泽，都取决于相应的现有形式。类似的重塑也发生在 * i-变位的第三个sg.preterite上，其中原始的^<**>-s被无标记的中间词尾[^<**>-ta]所取代。这种观点最自然地解释了为什么每一个mi动词在其词尾形式的齿质上是一致的，以及为什么在 * i变位中没有观察到轻化和非轻化齿质之间的对比。

项目成果

Yoshida, Kazuhiko: ""Palatalization in Old Irish Deponent and Passive Endings"" Studia Phonologica. 27. 1-7 (1993)

吉田和彦：“古爱尔兰语异相和被动词尾中的腭化”《语音研究》。

吉田 和彦: "ルウィ系諸言語における動詞過去語尾の起源" 西南アジア研究. 36. 1-19 (1992)

Kazuhiko Yoshida：“卢维语语言中过去动词结尾的起源”西南亚洲研究 36. 1-19 (1992)。

Yoshida, Kazuhiko: ""Notes on the Prehistory of Preterite Verbal Endings in Anatolian"" Historische Sprachforschung. 106. 26-35 (1993)

吉田和彦：“《安纳托利亚语中古语词尾的史前注释》”《历史语言研究》。

Kazuhiko Yoshida: "Reconstruction of Anatolian Verbal Endings:the Third Person Plural Preterites" The Journal of Indo-European Studies. 19. 359-374 (1991)

吉田和彦：“安纳托利亚语词尾的重建：第三人称复数过去时”《印欧研究杂志》。

Yoshida, Kazuhiko: ""Reconstruction of Anotolian Verbal Endings : the Third Person Plural Preterites"" The Journal of Indo-European Studies. 19. 359-374 (1991)

吉田和彦：“阿诺托利亚动词词尾的重建：第三人称复数过去时”，《印欧研究杂志》。