A Theoretical and Empirical Assessment of the Membership, Stategies and Tactics of Dissident Irish Republican Organisations
对持不同政见的爱尔兰共和组织的成员资格、战略和策略的理论和实证评估
基本信息
- 批准号:ES/K00039X/1
- 负责人:
- 金额:$ 34.4万
- 依托单位:
- 依托单位国家:英国
- 项目类别:Research Grant
- 财政年份:2013
- 资助国家:英国
- 起止时间:2013 至 无数据
- 项目状态:已结题
- 来源:
- 关键词:
项目摘要
Violent 'dissident' Irish republicanism has been evident since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998, yet it has received only a modest amount of academic analysis. Since 1998, dissident Irish republicans have killed over fifty people and committed the worst atrocity in Northern Ireland at Omagh within months of the Agreement. From 2009-11, dissidents were responsible for 413 shootings and bombings and killed two British Army soldiers and two Police Service of Northern Ireland officers. In 2010, the Head of MI5 admitted that his organisation had underestimated the durability of militant republicanism. The 2010 ESRC Northern Ireland Election Survey found considerable differences in the level of threat perception regarding dissidents, with 53% of Unionists believing that threat to be 'major', compared to only 17% of Catholics.Despite dissident violence having occurred for some time, there are only a small number of academic items written on the topic. There are information gaps concerning who supports such groups and why; the preferment for a particular organisation; what dissidents hope to achieve given the apparent inability of violence to achieve the political goal of a united Ireland and what, if anything, would moderate their approach. Using a very wide range of interviews with members of dissident organisation via guaranteed unprecedented access, this project aims to rectify the knowledge deficits evident in respect of the composition, motivations, organisational differences, strategies and tactics of dissident republicans. Specifically, the project wishes to:Assess the theoretical and empirical development of dissident republicanism. Is it part of an enduring historical phenomenon, or a response to perceived disadvantage? Alternatively, should the emergence of dissident groups - or 'spoilers' - be seen as part of a broader global picture, an attendant part of all peace processes rather than be seen as part of a distinctive Irish 'tradition'? Examine what unites and disunites dissident groups. There have been numerous splits amongst Irish republicans. Why do dissident groups also appear liable to regular fracturing?Explore the reasons why individuals back dissident republican organisations and the basis of their selection of a particular organisation. Are they motivated primarily by ideology; sectarianism, social conditions; family tradition or other motivations?Analyse how dissident groups mobilise and attempt to attract support. How important are issues such as Orange Order parades or policing issues in helping dissident republican groups to garner sympathy?Assess the short, medium and long-term aims of dissident republicans. The Provisional IRA used violence for almost three decades yet did not achieve British withdrawal from Northern Ireland. What do dissidents hope to achieve and how do they hope to attain what was impossible via a much larger campaign of violence. To what extent are dissidents fixated on shorter-term 'achievements' such as nationalist hostility to stronger security force responses as means of attracting sympathy? Are there conditions under which ceasefires could be attained? Does the lack of mandate matter (the 2010 ESRC survey found a very low, but not negligible level of sympathy for dissidents)Via contacts developed over years of work on Northern Ireland, the bidders have secured interview access to each dissident organisation, a feature lacking in the limited academic work undertaken on dissident republicanism. The research will offer a holistic approach, theorising the development of dissidence (and questioning the utility of the term) whilst providing the most comprehensive analysis yet of who belongs to dissident groups - and why. This project will be high profile beyond academia. It will yield a book, several journal articles, two conferences and sizeable media coverage. It will benefit policy-makers attempting a permanent end to violence.
自1998年耶稣受难日协议签署以来,暴力的“持不同政见者”爱尔兰共和主义一直很明显,但它只得到了少量的学术分析。自1998年以来,持不同政见的爱尔兰共和党人在协议签署后的几个月内在奥马杀害了50多人,并犯下了北方爱尔兰最严重的暴行。从2009年到2011年,持不同政见者对413起枪击和爆炸事件负责,并造成两名英国陆军士兵和两名北方爱尔兰警察局官员死亡。2010年,军情五处负责人承认,他的组织低估了好战共和主义的持久性。2010年ESRC北方爱尔兰选举调查发现,持不同政见者的威胁程度存在相当大的差异,53%的统一党人认为威胁是"重大的",相比之下,只有17%的天主教徒。尽管持不同政见者的暴力事件已经发生了一段时间,但只有少量的学术项目写在这个话题上。关于谁支持这些团体以及为什么支持这些团体;对某个特定组织的偏爱;鉴于暴力显然无法实现统一爱尔兰的政治目标,持不同政见者希望实现什么,以及如果有的话,什么会缓和他们的做法,都存在信息差距。通过保证前所未有的访问权限,使用与持不同政见组织成员的广泛访谈,该项目旨在纠正持不同政见共和党人的组成,动机,组织差异,战略和战术方面明显的知识赤字。具体而言,该项目希望:评估持不同政见者共和主义的理论和经验发展。它是一个持久的历史现象的一部分,还是对感知到的劣势的回应?或者,持不同政见团体--或"破坏者"--的出现是否应该被视为更广泛的全球图景的一部分,所有和平进程的一个伴随部分,而不是被视为独特的爱尔兰"传统"的一部分?研究是什么团结和分裂持不同政见的群体。爱尔兰共和党人之间出现了多次分裂。为什么持不同政见的团体似乎也容易经常分裂?探索个人支持持不同政见的共和组织的原因,以及他们选择特定组织的依据。他们的动机主要是意识形态、宗派主义、社会条件、家庭传统还是其他动机?分析不同政见团体如何动员和试图吸引支持。像橙子令游行或警务问题这样的问题在帮助持不同政见的共和党团体获得同情方面有多重要?评估持不同政见的共和党人的短期、中期和长期目标。临时爱尔兰共和军使用暴力近三十年,但没有实现英国从北方爱尔兰撤军。持不同政见者希望实现什么,他们希望如何实现通过更大规模的暴力运动不可能实现的目标。持不同政见者在多大程度上专注于短期“成就”,如民族主义者对更强安全部队反应的敌意,以吸引同情?是否有实现停火的条件?缺乏授权是否重要(2010年ESRC的调查发现,对持不同政见者的同情程度非常低,但不可忽略)通过多年来在北方爱尔兰的工作中建立的联系,投标人已经获得了与每个持不同政见者组织的采访权,这是对持不同政见者共和主义进行的有限学术工作所缺乏的。该研究将提供一种整体的方法,理论化异议的发展(并质疑该术语的实用性),同时提供最全面的分析谁属于异议团体-以及为什么。这个项目将在学术界之外引起高度关注。它将产生一本书,几篇期刊文章,两次会议和相当大的媒体报道。它将有利于试图永久结束暴力的决策者。
项目成果
期刊论文数量(2)
专著数量(0)
科研奖励数量(0)
会议论文数量(0)
专利数量(0)
How Close is a Border Poll or a United Ireland?
边境民意调查或爱尔兰联合有多近?
- DOI:10.1177/20419058221147589
- 发表时间:2022
- 期刊:
- 影响因子:0
- 作者:Tonge J
- 通讯作者:Tonge J
Unfinished Business: The Politics of Dissident Irish Republicanism
未竟事业:持不同政见的爱尔兰共和主义的政治
- DOI:
- 发表时间:2019
- 期刊:
- 影响因子:0
- 作者:McGlinchey, M
- 通讯作者:McGlinchey, M
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Jonathan Tonge其他文献
Problems of Modernizing an Ethno-Religious Party
民族宗教政党现代化的问题
- DOI:
- 发表时间:
2005 - 期刊:
- 影响因子:0
- 作者:
J. Evans;Jonathan Tonge - 通讯作者:
Jonathan Tonge
Citizenship and Political Engagement Among Young People: The Workings and Findings of the Youth Citizenship Commission
年轻人的公民身份和政治参与:青年公民委员会的运作和调查结果
- DOI:
10.1093/pa/gsp049 - 发表时间:
2010 - 期刊:
- 影响因子:1.2
- 作者:
Jonathan Tonge;A. Mycock - 通讯作者:
A. Mycock
Britishness (and Irishness) in Northern Ireland since the Good Friday Agreement
自耶稣受难日协议以来,北爱尔兰的英国性(和爱尔兰性)
- DOI:
- 发表时间:
2010 - 期刊:
- 影响因子:0
- 作者:
J. McAuley;Jonathan Tonge - 通讯作者:
Jonathan Tonge
Dynamics of change in political parties: An all-island perspective
政党变革的动态:全岛视角
- DOI:
- 发表时间:
2016 - 期刊:
- 影响因子:0
- 作者:
Jonathan Tonge - 通讯作者:
Jonathan Tonge
The Ulster Unionist Party
阿尔斯特统一党
- DOI:
10.1093/oso/9780198794387.001.0001 - 发表时间:
2019 - 期刊:
- 影响因子:0
- 作者:
T. Hennessey;M. Braniff;J. McAuley;Jonathan Tonge;S. Whiting - 通讯作者:
S. Whiting
Jonathan Tonge的其他文献
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{{ truncateString('Jonathan Tonge', 18)}}的其他基金
From Outsiders to the Mainstream: A comparative evaluation of Sinn Féin as an all-island party since the Great Recession
从局外人到主流:大衰退以来新芬党作为全岛政党的比较评价
- 批准号:
EP/Y027590/1 - 财政年份:2023
- 资助金额:
$ 34.4万 - 项目类别:
Fellowship
Beyond Unionism and Nationalism in Northern Ireland: Electors, Voters and Party Members
北爱尔兰的统一主义和民族主义之外:选举人、选民和党员
- 批准号:
ES/V014072/1 - 财政年份:2021
- 资助金额:
$ 34.4万 - 项目类别:
Research Grant
The 2019 Northern Ireland General Election Study
2019 年北爱尔兰大选研究
- 批准号:
ES/T015527/1 - 财政年份:2020
- 资助金额:
$ 34.4万 - 项目类别:
Research Grant
The 2017 Northern Ireland General Election Study
2017 年北爱尔兰大选研究
- 批准号:
ES/R005060/1 - 财政年份:2017
- 资助金额:
$ 34.4万 - 项目类别:
Research Grant
THE 2015 NORTHERN IRELAND GENERAL ELECTION SURVEY: MEASURING POLITICAL CHANGE IN A POWER-SHARING POLITY
2015 年北爱尔兰大选调查:衡量权力共享政体的政治变化
- 批准号:
ES/L007320/1 - 财政年份:2015
- 资助金额:
$ 34.4万 - 项目类别:
Research Grant
THE 2010 NORTHERN IRELAND GENERAL ELECTION SURVEY
2010 年北爱尔兰大选调查
- 批准号:
ES/H037012/1 - 财政年份:2010
- 资助金额:
$ 34.4万 - 项目类别:
Research Grant
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