The European populist radical Right's evolving relationship with Israel

众所周知，民粹主义激进右翼（PRR）的崛起代表了西欧政党政治的一个关键发展。然而，虽然选民支持和国内战略的驱动因素开始受到学术关注，但很少有分析集中在PRR的国际议程上。通过我提出的关于西欧PRR与以色列关系的研究，我将解决这个盲点。研究表明，主流政党体现了一种过时的社会观念，这与全球化的西欧的大部分选民形成了鲜明对比。在这种情况下，PRR有效地利用了人们对民族认同和传统价值观受到威胁的恐惧，并处于提供文化保护主义政策作为回应的理想位置。然而，其他战略和意识形态因素也起着重要作用。对主流接受的渴望已经看到了PRR的元素符合1945年后拒绝反犹太主义的政治共识-不管这种态度的总体弹性如何。反犹主义的历史已经（公开地）被反穆斯林的偏见所掩盖，这种偏见在今天的政治辩论中更容易被接受。然而，更令人困惑的是，有迹象表明，PRR正在对国际冲突采取新的立场。在这里，学者们注意到对以色列的支持越来越高。“亲以色列”的立场是否助长了全球化“输家”的焦虑？PRR是否模糊了以色列和欧洲之间的边界，以验证其自身的文化保护主义和日益增长的反穆斯林偏见？抑或是对以色列越来越多的支持是为了符合1945年后的共识？随着中国共产党大家庭的壮大，中国共产党的外交政策将变得越来越重要。因此，了解决定国家政策的因素是否同样适用于国际事务是至关重要的。有了这个目标，博士的中心研究问题是：“自1979年以来，西欧民粹主义激进右翼对以色列的立场发生了怎样的变化？”由于它与国家和国内问题之间的联系，我的研究结果将引起国际关系和比较政治学学者的兴趣。在第一年的研究框架和文献综述的发展之后，我将进行12个月的研究和实地考察。中心研究问题将回答通过调查的两个相互关联的阶段在研究的第三年。首先，我将对PRR在欧洲和国家层面上与以色列/巴勒斯坦有关的政治声明进行话语分析。就国家而言，我将把重点放在主要的西欧国家——奥地利、英国、法国、德国和瑞士——以更好地理解1)自1979年以来，PRR在多大程度上改变了对以色列的立场。我之前的研究表明，尽管不平衡，但明显的“亲以色列”转变，我相信进一步的研究将证实这一点。我在东耶路撒冷的工作中也目睹了这种转变的指示性迹象。其次，我将着手找出促使PRR转变为支持以色列的因素。在这里，我将主要测试两种可能的假设：2a) PRR对以色列越来越多的支持是一种利用转型后的西欧新的政治机会的尝试；2b) PRR正在采取“亲以色列”的立场，以使其公众形象正常化。在此，专家将以对政党声明的分析为基础，对PRR政党进行访谈。此外，我将进行参与性观察，参加几次由PRR政治家参加的“亲以色列”活动。从本质上讲，本博士将研究外国争端在多大程度上已成为PRR文化保护主义政策的意识形态例证。在一个以社会紧张局势加剧为特征的恐怖主义时代，缩小这种理解上的差距在学术上和政治上都是迫切需要的。

It is acknowledged that the rise of the populist Radical Right (PRR) represents a key development in party politics in Western Europe. However, while the drivers of voter support and domestic strategies start to receive scholarly attention, little analysis has focused on the international agenda of the PRR. Through my proposed study of the Western European PRR's relationship with Israel, I will address this blind spot. Research has shown that mainstream parties embody an outdated concept of society that contrasts with large parts of the electorate in a globalised Western Europe. Under these conditions, the PRR has been effective in tapping into fears that national identity and traditional values are under threat, and is ideally placed to offer policies of cultural protectionism in response. Yet other strategic and ideological factors also play an important role. The desire for mainstream acceptance has seen elements of the PRR conforming to a post-1945 political consensus that rejects anti-Semitism - regardless of the general resilience of such attitudes. A history of anti-Semitism has been (publicly) eclipsed by anti-Muslim prejudice, which today is more easily accepted in political debates. More puzzling, however, are signs that the PRR is adopting novel positions on international conflicts. Here, scholars have noted increasing levels of support for Israel. Does a 'pro-Israeli' position feed into the anxieties of globalisation's 'losers'? Is the PRR blurring the borders between Israel and Europe to validate its own cultural protectionism and growing anti-Muslim prejudice? Or is the increasing support for Israel a calculated attempt to conform to a post-1945 consensus? The foreign policy of the PRR will become increasingly relevant as the party family grows. Thus, it is crucial to understand if factors determining national policies are equally valid for international affairs. With this goal, the PhD's central research question is: 'How has the Western European Populist Radical Right's Position towards Israel Changed since 1979?'. With its link between national and domestic issues, the results of my research will interest both scholars of IR and comparative politics. Following the development of a research framework and literature review in the first year of study, I will proceed with 12 months of research and fieldwork. The central research question will be answered via two interrelated stages of enquiry in the third year of study. First, I will be performing a discourse analysis of political statements made by the PRR related to Israel/Palestine at both a European and national level. Nationally, I will focus on key Western European states - Austria, Britain, France, Germany and Switzerland - to better understand 1) the extent to which the PRR has shifted its position towards Israel since 1979. My previous research signals a clear albeit uneven 'pro-Israeli' shift which I believe further research will verify. I have also witnessed indicative signs of such a shift through my work in East Jerusalem. Second, I will set out to identify 2) the factors driving the PRR's change in support for Israel. Here, I will be chiefly testing two possible assumptions: 2a) that the PRR's growing support for Israel is an attempt to capitalise on new political openings in a transformed Western Europe; and 2b) that the PRR is adopting a 'pro-Israeli' position to normalise its public image. Here, expert interviews with PRR parties will build on the analysis of party statements. Furthermore, I will be undertaking participatory observation, participating in several 'pro-Israeli' events attended by PRR politicians. In essence, this PhD will examine the extent to which foreign disputes have become ideological illustrations of the PRR's culturally protectionist policies. In a supposed age of terrorism marked by heightened social tensions, there is a both an academic and pressing political need to to close this gap in understanding.