'Doing it for themselves': exploring the impact of masculinities on women's participation in social movements in 20 & 21st century Britain and France

2021年3月，英国一名男警官谋杀萨拉·埃弗拉德（Sarah Everard），引发了愤怒，并呼吁加强警务工作，对罪犯判处更严厉的刑罚。一系列新的头条新闻和新闻声明呼吁“结束”对妇女的暴力行为。但是，政治家和媒体谴责性别不平等，或者煽动下意识的惩罚性政策，都是无效的。如果不了解助长和助长这种暴力行为的各种形式的大男子主义和基于性别的权力结构的根源，解决男子对妇女的暴力行为的行动就不可能取得成功或可持续。本研究旨在通过跨学科、社会历史和人种学的方法来解决这一遗漏，以探讨男性气质和女性能动性之间的相互作用。我提出了一个比较的方法来研究妇女参与社会运动在20世纪和21世纪的两个国家类似的历史，地理和政治重量（法国和英国），以及如何在任何一个国家的男性化的影响（阻止，启用，解雇）妇女的抗议。我打算把“男性气质”和“女性气质”的概念问题化，因为它们是在所研究的时间段内被社会机构和相关个人理解、构建和占用的。我还打算采取交叉的方法，通过个案研究，检查除了性别（即种族，宗教，国籍）在抗议者的愿望，和生活经验，社会变革的多重身份的导航。通过这种方式，我们可以：破坏性别代表性，特别是霸权男性，并探讨他们如何影响妇女的个人和集体机构，无论是在抗议的时候，后来，事后诸葛亮;允许空间，以了解某些性别行为是如何被认为是积极或消极的（即Halberlane的“男性女性”）和由谁;并在交叉身份的相互作用中为性别腾出空间。

The murder of Sarah Everard by a male police officer in the UK in March 2021 sparked outrage and appeals for better policing and tougher crime sentences for offenders. A new set of headlines and press statements called for 'ending' violence against women. But it is ineffective for politicians and the media to condemn gender inequality in its perpetrated state, or instigate knee-jerk punitive policies. Action to tackle male violence against women cannot hope to be successful or sustainable without an understanding of the roots of the forms of masculinity and gendered power structures which enable and promote such violence. This research intends to address this omission by taking an interdisciplinary, socio-historical and ethnographic approach to interaction between masculinities and women's agency. I propose a comparative approach examining women's participation in social movements in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries in two countries similar in history, geography, and political weight (France and Britain) and how masculinities in either country have influenced (blocking, enabling, dismissing) women's protest. I intend to problematize conceptions of both 'masculinity' and 'femininity' as fluid in the way that they have been understood, constructed and appropriated both by social institutions and by the individuals concerned over the time period under study. I also intend to take an intersectional approach through case studies examining the navigation of multiple identities in addition to gender (i.e. race, religion, nationality) in protesters' aspirations for, and lived experience of, social change. In this way, we can: destabilize gender representations, particularly hegemonic masculinities, and explore how they influence women's individual and collective agency, both at the time of protest, and later, with hindsight; allow space to understand how certain gendered behaviours are perceived positively or negatively (i.e. Halberstam's 'masculine femininity') and by whom; and make room for gender at the interplay of intersectional identity.