'Doing it for themselves': exploring the impact of masculinities on women's participation in social movements in 20 & 21st century Britain and France

2021年3月，英国一名男警察谋杀了莎拉·埃弗拉德（Sarah Everard），这引发了愤怒，人们呼吁改善治安，并对罪犯处以更严厉的刑罚。一系列新的头条新闻和新闻声明呼吁“结束”针对妇女的暴力行为。但是，对于政客和媒体来说，谴责性别不平等的现状，或者煽动下意识的惩罚性政策，都是无效的。如果不了解促成和促进这种暴力的男子气概形式和性别权力结构的根源，解决男子对妇女的暴力行为的行动就不可能成功或可持续。这项研究打算通过采取跨学科、社会历史和人种学的方法来解决这一遗漏问题，研究男性和妇女能动性之间的相互作用。我提出了一种比较方法，研究20世纪和21世纪在两个历史、地理和政治分量相似的国家（法国和英国）中妇女参与社会运动的情况，以及这两个国家的男性主义是如何影响（阻止、支持、驳回）妇女抗议的。我打算对“男性气质”和“女性气质”的概念提出质疑，因为在研究的这段时间里，社会机构和相关个人都以这种方式理解、构建和利用了这些概念。我还打算采用交叉方法，通过案例研究来考察抗议者对社会变革的渴望和生活经验中除了性别（即种族、宗教、国籍）之外的多重身份的导航。通过这种方式，我们可以：破坏性别表征的稳定性，尤其是男性霸权，并探索它们如何影响女性的个人和集体能动性，无论是在抗议的时候，还是后来，事后来看；留出空间来理解某些性别行为是如何被积极或消极地感知的（即Halberstam的“男性女性气质”），以及被谁感知；在交叉身份的相互作用中为性别留出空间。

The murder of Sarah Everard by a male police officer in the UK in March 2021 sparked outrage and appeals for better policing and tougher crime sentences for offenders. A new set of headlines and press statements called for 'ending' violence against women. But it is ineffective for politicians and the media to condemn gender inequality in its perpetrated state, or instigate knee-jerk punitive policies. Action to tackle male violence against women cannot hope to be successful or sustainable without an understanding of the roots of the forms of masculinity and gendered power structures which enable and promote such violence. This research intends to address this omission by taking an interdisciplinary, socio-historical and ethnographic approach to interaction between masculinities and women's agency. I propose a comparative approach examining women's participation in social movements in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries in two countries similar in history, geography, and political weight (France and Britain) and how masculinities in either country have influenced (blocking, enabling, dismissing) women's protest. I intend to problematize conceptions of both 'masculinity' and 'femininity' as fluid in the way that they have been understood, constructed and appropriated both by social institutions and by the individuals concerned over the time period under study. I also intend to take an intersectional approach through case studies examining the navigation of multiple identities in addition to gender (i.e. race, religion, nationality) in protesters' aspirations for, and lived experience of, social change. In this way, we can: destabilize gender representations, particularly hegemonic masculinities, and explore how they influence women's individual and collective agency, both at the time of protest, and later, with hindsight; allow space to understand how certain gendered behaviours are perceived positively or negatively (i.e. Halberstam's 'masculine femininity') and by whom; and make room for gender at the interplay of intersectional identity.