'Doing it for themselves': exploring the impact of masculinities on women's participation in social movements in 20 & 21st century Britain and France

2021年3月，英国一名男性警察谋杀了莎拉·埃弗雷德，引发了愤怒，并呼吁更好地维持治安，对违法者处以更严厉的刑事判决。一系列新的头条新闻和新闻声明呼吁“结束”针对妇女的暴力行为。但对于政客和媒体来说，谴责其犯下的州的性别不平等，或煽动下意识的惩罚性政策是无效的。如果不了解导致和促进这种暴力的男子气概形式和性别权力结构的根源，解决对妇女的男性暴力行为的行动就不可能取得成功或可持续。这项研究旨在通过采用跨学科、社会历史和民族志的方法来处理男性和妇女机构之间的互动关系，以解决这一疏漏。我提出了一种比较的方法，研究在历史、地理和政治影响力相似的两个国家(法国和英国)20世纪和21世纪妇女参与社会运动的情况，以及这两个国家的男性气概如何影响(阻止、支持和驳回)妇女的抗议活动。我打算将“男性气质”和“女性气质”这两个概念作为流动的概念来解决问题，因为在研究的这段时间里，社会机构和有关个人对它们的理解、构建和使用都是如此。我还打算采取一种交叉的方法，通过案例研究，考察在抗议者对社会变革的渴望和亲身经历中，除了性别(即种族、宗教、国籍)之外，多重身份的导航。通过这种方式，我们可以：破坏性别表征的稳定性，特别是霸权的男性气概，并探索它们如何影响妇女的个人和集体机构，无论是在抗议时，还是后来的事后；允许空间理解某些性别行为是如何被正面或负面地看待(即哈伯斯塔姆的“男性女性气质”)以及被谁看待；并在交叉身份的交叉作用中为性别腾出空间。

The murder of Sarah Everard by a male police officer in the UK in March 2021 sparked outrage and appeals for better policing and tougher crime sentences for offenders. A new set of headlines and press statements called for 'ending' violence against women. But it is ineffective for politicians and the media to condemn gender inequality in its perpetrated state, or instigate knee-jerk punitive policies. Action to tackle male violence against women cannot hope to be successful or sustainable without an understanding of the roots of the forms of masculinity and gendered power structures which enable and promote such violence. This research intends to address this omission by taking an interdisciplinary, socio-historical and ethnographic approach to interaction between masculinities and women's agency. I propose a comparative approach examining women's participation in social movements in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries in two countries similar in history, geography, and political weight (France and Britain) and how masculinities in either country have influenced (blocking, enabling, dismissing) women's protest. I intend to problematize conceptions of both 'masculinity' and 'femininity' as fluid in the way that they have been understood, constructed and appropriated both by social institutions and by the individuals concerned over the time period under study. I also intend to take an intersectional approach through case studies examining the navigation of multiple identities in addition to gender (i.e. race, religion, nationality) in protesters' aspirations for, and lived experience of, social change. In this way, we can: destabilize gender representations, particularly hegemonic masculinities, and explore how they influence women's individual and collective agency, both at the time of protest, and later, with hindsight; allow space to understand how certain gendered behaviours are perceived positively or negatively (i.e. Halberstam's 'masculine femininity') and by whom; and make room for gender at the interplay of intersectional identity.