The social construction of border zones: A comparison of two geopolitical cases

我们计划继续研究两个边境地区的社会结构，利用已经收集的广泛材料（主要是访谈、小组讨论和参与者观察备忘录的形式）以及新的实地研究，分析近年来在两个研究地区和不同难民群体之间发生的重大变化。一方面，不同的长期居民群体之间的形象发生了变化，警察和军事单位在边境的做法也发生了变化，另一方面，难民群体、他们的移徙路线、他们使用的越境策略以及他们对不同国界的看法也发生了变化。我们的分析将基于从采访和观察中收集的经验数据。为了获得进一步的经验证据，我们的假设，我们打算进行额外的访谈和参与者的意见。在西班牙-摩洛哥边境，尽管所有的努力，以改善边境安全，它一再发生，更大的移民群体成功地越过围栏，或单个人设法非法跨越边境使用不同的方法。在我们进行研究的这段时间里，难民群体、他们的移民路线以及他们展示集体财产的方式发生了很大变化，部分原因是欧洲庇护政策的变化。在这里，特别是摩洛哥一方的居民，他们试图从非法移民面临更严格的边境管制的情况中获利。到目前为止，梅利拉和休达的居民对难民群体的变化相对漠不关心，而基督徒和穆斯林之间不断变化的人口关系是冲突的一个持续来源，即使这一点经常被否认。相比之下，在以色列-埃及边境，几乎不可能非法越境，强迫人们签字表示同意被驱逐到一个所谓安全的非洲国家的做法导致逃离厄立特里亚和苏丹的人现在越来越多地选择穿越地中海前往欧洲。在那些仍然生活在以色列的人中，可以看到他们对移徙路线和以色列的看法发生了明显变化，他们的日常做法也发生了变化，目的是使他们更容易留在以色列。为了更密切地研究这一现象，我们不仅计划对以色列境内的难民进行更多的访谈，而且还计划访谈被以色列驱逐到乌干达的厄立特里亚人，以及目前在埃塞俄比亚难民营中的厄立特里亚难民，他们可能希望前往以色列。在这一边境地区，可以看到犹太人和贝都因以色列人之间的关系明显恶化。

We plan to continue our study of the social construction of two border zones by using the extensive material already collected (mainly in the form of interviews, group discussions and memos of participant observations), as well as new field research, to analyse the significant changes that have taken place in the two study areas and among the different refugee groupings in recent years. On the one hand, there have been changes in the figurations between different groupings of long-time residents, and in the practices of the police and military units at the borders, and on the other hand, changes in the refugee groupings, their migration routes, the strategies they use to get across borders, and their perspectives of the different national borders. Our analysis will be based on empirical data gathered from interviews and observations. In order to gain further empirical evidence for our assumptions we intend to conduct additional interviews and participant observations.At the Spanish-Moroccan border, despite all attempts to improve border security, it repeatedly happens that larger groupings of migrants succeed in getting over the fence, or single individuals manage to cross the border illegally using different methods. The refugee groupings, their migration courses, and the way they present their collective belongings, have changed considerably over the period in which we have been conducting our research, due in part to changes in Europes asylum policy. Here it is especially residents on the Moroccan side who try to profit financially from the situation in which illegalized migrants are faced with stricter border controls. Up to now the residents of Melilla and Ceuta have been relatively indifferent to the changing groupings of refugees, while the changing demographic relationship between Christians and Muslims is a constant source of conflict, even if this is often denied. At the Israeli-Egyptian border, by contrast, it is scarcely possible to cross the border illegally, and the practice of forcing people to sign that they consent to being expelled to an allegedly safe African country has the result that those who have escaped from Eritrea and Sudan now increasingly choose to cross the Mediterranean in order to get to Europe. Among those who are still living in Israel, clear changes can be observed in their perspectives on migration routes and on Israel, as well as changes in their daily practices that are intended to make it easier to stay in Israel. In order to study this phenomenon more closely, we are not only planning to conduct more interviews with refugees in Israel, but also to interview Eritreans who have been deported from Israel to Uganda, and Eritrean refugees who are currently in refugee camps in Ethiopia and who are probably hoping to get to Israel. In this border zone, a clear deterioration can be observed in the relations between Jewish and Bedouin Israelis.