Fixed vs. combinatorial constructions: a biolinguistic perspective on combinatorial schemas and the lexicon

在语言学理论中，存储的词汇条目和灵活组合这些元素的规则或方案之间存在着根本的区别。最近的建议将词汇条目的范围扩展到单词以上的级别，也允许几个单词的结构成为词典中的统一结构（UCs）。相应地，灵活的组合方案（CSs）也在单词以下的层次上运行；词法规则类似于句法规则，支配着语素构成复词。给定的复杂语言形式是被视为存储元素还是被视为组合、组装的元素，通常是根据语义和组合标准来决定的。最近的研究表明，生物语言学标准可以解决这个问题，可能会导致基于直接从人脑记录的神经生理学数据的表达的词汇/组合状态的澄清。在这里，我们使用神经生理学来追踪词汇存储与灵活组合的大脑基础。基于已有的证据表明UC和CS处理的不同大脑特征，我们将进一步研究复杂形式，其状态是存储还是组合组装仍在争论中。如果它们引发了词汇存储（UCs）或组合组合（CSs）的大脑特征，这一证据可能有助于讨论它们的语言地位。我们在这里重点研究灵活度和语义不透明的微型结构，特别是微粒动词和衍生复杂的词。研究结果将应用于进一步发展当前关于语言表征的思想，并参考其神经机制基础。

A fundamental distinction in linguistic theory is made between stored lexical entries and rules or schemes that flexibly combine these elements. Recent proposals extend the range of lexical entries to the level above the word, also allowing constructions of several words to become unitary constructions (UCs) in the lexicon. Correspondingly, flexible combinatorial schemes (CSs) also operate at the level below the word; morphological rules similar to the rules of syntax govern the composition of morphemes into complex words. Whether a given complex linguistic form is seen as a stored element or as a composed, assembled one is typically decided on the basis of semantic and combinatorial criteria. Recent research has indicated that biolinguistic criteria can speak to this issue, possibly leading to a clarification of the lexical / combinatorial status of an expression based on neurophysiological data recorded directly from the human brain. Here we use neurophysiology to track the brain basis of lexical storage vs. flexible combination. Building upon pre-existing evidence demonstrating distinct brain signatures of UC and CS processing, we will further investigate complex forms, whose status as either stored or combinatorially-assembled is still under debate. If they elicit brain signatures of either lexical storage (UCs) or rather of combinatorial assemblage (CSs), this evidence may fruitfully contribute to the discussion of their linguistic status. We focus here on mini-constructions of variable degree of flexibility and semantic opacity, especially particle verbs and derivationally complex words. Results will be applied to develop further current ideas about linguistic representation with reference to their neuromechanistic basis.